Ver el código de «Redes sociales»

== Interacción y comunicación en la virtualidad ==

'''Multitudes inteligentes y el concepto de comunidad de H. Rheingold'''

Rheingold, H. ''Multitudes inteligentes. La próxima revolución social'' (Smart Mobs). Barcelona: Gedisa, 2004.


"Qué aportan las comunidades virtuales? '''Por qué compartir la vida con los demás?'''
Capital de red social, capital de conocimiento y comunión (participar en lo común). '''El individuo deposita parte de sus conocimientos y estados de ánimo en la red, y a cambio obtiene mayores cantidades de conocimiento y oportunidades de sociabilidad.''' [58.2.3]

Principios que rigen en las comunidades y las sustentan [63.end]:
* se definen claramente los límites del grupo
* las normas que rigen el uso de los bienes colectivos responden bien a las necesidades y condiciones del lugar
* La mayoría de los individuos sujetos a estas normas pueden participar en la modificación de las mismas
* Las autoridades externas respetan el derecho de los miembros de la comunidad a definir sus propias normas. 
* Los propios miembros de la comunidad ejercen el control sobre la conducta
* Se plantea un sistema de sanciones graduado
* Los miembros de la comunidad tienen acceso a mecanismos poco costosos de resolución de conflictos
* …/…

'''Comunidad: redes de vínculos interpersonales que aportan sociabilidad, apoyo, información, sensación de pertenencia e identidad social. Internet es el medio que permite que los individuos se conviertan en portales hacia redes sociales mucho más amplias'''. [84]


== Participatory learning and the Amateur Cultural production. M. Ito ==

'''Mizuko Ito''' “El espacio del hogar, dominado por los padres, configura la identidad de los hijos como niños, pero no como amigos. Por su densidad y dimensiones reducidas, está saturado de intereses familiares, de modo que no se presta para el encuentro cara a cara… los mensajes cortos de texto permitieron a los jóvenes mantener conversaciones que no podían escuchar los padres… los adolescentes utilizaban esta nueva libertad comunicativa para construir un espacio de intimidad personalizado y portátil, un canal abierto de contacto con grupos de entre tres a cinco amigos por término medio… el teléfono móvil confiere a los adolescentes un grado de privacidad y un derecho de reunión totalmente novedosos con los cuales construyen un espacio alternativo en red, accesible desde cualquier lugar” [33][http://www.itofisher.com/mito]


'''Participatory Learning in a Networked Society: Lessons from the Digital Youth Project'''
[[Imagen:http://www.itofisher.com/mito/publications/participatory_l.html]]
have been looking at participation in these kinds of environments (My space, Facebook or Club Penguin), what we have called friendship-driven networks of learning and participation.
In contrast to the friendship-driven mode that you see in sites like MySpace, we’ve also seen a large number of kids who engage in what we call interest driven learning and participation. This is not about popularity, flirting and mainstream status, but is more about the lives of the geeks, freaks, artists, musicians, and dorks - the kids who are identified as smart or creative, the kids we see at the margins of teen social worlds. This is about kids with passionate interests and serious hobbies finding peers online and mobilizing around their interests.

The structures of the networked publics surrounding interest-driven behaviors are quite different from the friendship-driven ones.
Again, this relates to the properties of networked publics - the creation of media works within a social sharing context, the development of niche and specialized knowledge and skills, and ongoing review feedback and reputation within a peer-based status economy.

This is not the majority of kids, but I think we do have reason to believe that more and more kids are starting to engage in these ways. And nowadays kids can be part of the mainstream friendship-driven popularity practices can still dabble in more geeky interest-driven networks through online groups. In other words they can be smart or creative with online friends without it translating to downward social mobility in school.

These interest-driven forms of participation are in many ways highly unique and idiosyncratic. But they represent a growing palette of opportunities for young people to exercise their agency online. These practices are in many ways quite distinct from the mainstream of friendship-driven practices. At the same time, both grow out of young people’s participation in networked publics.

Just like the cases of interest-driven participation, participation in friendship-driven networked publics is also a site of important learning and socialization with a network of peers. Kids need different social contexts in order to find their place in the world, whether it is to learn the hard lessons about dating and breaking up, or to geek out on digital video codecs with other tech heads. Although most kids stick pretty close to home, and use online spaces to reproduce their everyday given social relations, we do see some kids who take the potential of these networks to reach out to new kinds of communities and special interests.

In both cases, however, the peer group becomes a powerful driver for learning. For better or for worse, kids learn from their peers. Where things get interesting is when what constitutes a “peer” starts to change because of the change in a young person’s network of relations. In the case of kids who’ve become immersed in interest-driven publics, the context of who their peers are, what kinds of skills they get recognition and reputation for changes, and thus the learning dynamic also shifts in that direction. We can think of this negatively, in terms of that familiar term, “peer pressure,” or we can think of it as a powerful space of opportunity for learning. Our cases demonstrate that some of the drivers of self-motivated learning come not from the “authorities” in kids’ lives setting standards and providing instruction, but from observing and communicating with people engaged in the same interests, and the same struggles for status and recognition that they are.

The public nature of learning in schools and in networked publics raises the stakes for participation for kids. Their work becomes visible and consequential in new ways when it circulates in different publics. For schools, the publicity is about being part of a collective institution to which they are accountable. Kids understand that getting good grades and pleasing their teachers is part of crafting their future role in public life. But getting good grades is not about the here and now of the publics that matter to them as kids. Unlike in schools, peer-based networked publics is about reputation, learning, and recognition that is consequential and visible in the here and now of kids public participation.

'''Amateur Cultural Production and Peer-to-Peer Learning''' 
Mizuko Ito [http://www.itofisher.com/mito/publications/amateur_cultura_2.html] 
What characterizes learning in settings where kids are engaging in popular, networked, and viral new media cultures?

First, there is very little explicit instruction, and learning happens through process of 
peer-based knowledge sharing. People engaged in a practice seek out information or 
knowledgeable peers when it becomes relevant to their work, and in turn, they help others when asked. Although there are people acknowledged as experts, they are not framed as instructors.  
 
Secondly, rather than working to master a standard body of material and skills, 
participants in these practices tend to specialize. Much like we see in academic life, there  are opportunities to develop status and a role as an expert in a particular, often narrow specialty. Alternately, this can involve developing a particular style or signature in creative work. It is not about trying to acquire the same body of knowledge and skills as all one’s peers in a given community of practice.  

Finally, these environments are based on ongoing feedback and reviews of performance and work that are embedded in the practices of creation and play. These groups also have contexts for the public display and circulation of work that enables review and critique by their audiences. Competition and assessment happens within this ecology of media production and consumption, not by an external mechanism or set of standards. In other words, individual accomplishment is recognized and celebrated among peers in the production community and other interested fans, providing powerful motivation for ongoing learning and achievement. 

Our focus has been on anime music videos (AMVs) and fan subtitling (fansubbing). I’ll be focusing on how peer-based learning dynamics operate in these two different forms of fan practice